In Egypt's crisis, the two do not meld well and staying involved has required what some see as a compromise in democratic principles.
Several officials lamented that the White House's nuanced policy is not easily explained to Egypt's volatile public and wary leaders. And, they expressed frustration that the message has been muddled by the comments of lawmakers who have offered strident personal, opinions on the situation that do not hew to the administration's line. The officials spoke only on condition of anonymity because they were not authorized to speak publicly about internal deliberations and differences the administration has with legislators.
To begin with, they said, President Barack Obama's approach to Egypt since the military's July 3 toppling of President Mohammed Morsi, the country's first freely elected leader, have appeared beset by uncertainty. For three weeks, administration lawyers and policymakers waffled on the question of whether Morsi's ouster was a "coup," a determination that under U.S. law would have forced a cutoff in $1.3 billion in annual military aid and a resulting loss of influence with the armed forces at a crucial time.
In an unusual bit of legal gymnastics, Obama's national security team determined it didn't have to determine that either way. By declining to take a position, the administration infuriated Morsi's Islamist supporters, who have refused to back down on demands that he be returned to power. At the same time, the administration drew the ire of the military and its supporters by continuing contacts with Morsi's Muslim Brotherhood and sharply criticizing the tactics of security forces against protesters.
Secretary of State John Kerry inflamed the already bubbling mistrust and suspicion by telling an interviewer last week in Pakistan that the Egyptian military had been "restoring democracy" by removing a democratically elected president. The remark drew an immediate and scathing response from the Brotherhood, and, a day later, Kerry tried to blunt the controversy by calling for all sides "to get back to a new normal."
Then, on a visit to Cairo, Sen. John McCain, R-Ariz., called Morsi's ouster a "coup." Although McCain does not set administration policy, he does sit on the influential Senate Foreign Relations Committee, is a highly visible former Republican presidential candidate and is seen by many as an elder statesman with serious clout when it comes to providing aid.
Before leaving, McCain told The Associated Press on Thursday that the administration had wanted him and Sen. Lindsey Graham, R-S.C., to make the trip, but he also said they were speaking only for themselves.
"We never pretended to speak for the administration, but we do have constitutional responsibilities. One of those is obviously the power of the purse," McCain said.
Nonetheless, the administration moved quickly to distance itself from McCain's comments, which two officials privately described as a "disaster" for Washington's attempts to clear up misunderstandings. But, spokesmen for the White House and State Department declined to disavow or directly criticize McCain or Graham.
Noting that McCain and Graham were not representing the administration, White House press secretary Jay Carney said Monday that "we are all focused together on the very volatile situation in Egypt and there is no question that we consult regularly with members of Congress, especially those members like Senators Graham and McCain who have a particularly keen interest in the country and the region."
McCain "was not representing the United States of America," State Department spokeswoman Jen Psaki said, noting that Deputy Secretary of State William Burns, was engaged in closed-door mediation efforts with European officials to try to bring the Egyptian sides together.
"While we certainly welcome different points of views ... our agenda and our goals were conveyed through Deputy Secretary Burns," Psaki said.
However, Burns, unlike McCain, did not appear in public or speak to reporters.
In a bid to inject some clarity, Kerry and European Union foreign policy chief Catherine Ashton released a joint statement late Wednesday, appealing for Egyptians of all political persuasions to come together around celebrations to mark the end of the holy month of Ramadan to find a way forward.
Their statement made clear that both the United States and Europe were "mindful of the limits of our role" but expressed deep concern that a "dangerous stalemate" between the current authorities and the opposition has yet to be broken. It stressed that the U.S. and Europe "support basic democratic principles, not any particular personalities or parties."
"There's no question that there's been a great deal of misinformation out there, and we've been taking every step possible to convey what our view is, which includes public statements," Psaki said. "The only antidote to misinformation is accurate information, which we will continue to endeavor to provide."
Yet, the damage from the confusion does not seem to be easily repaired.
"There are mixed messages coming from the Americans," a senior Egyptian government official said, speaking on condition of anonymity because he wasn't authorized to speak publicly about the matter. "Their way of dealing with the crisis in Egypt is very unclear."
Anger from both sides in Egypt has manifested itself in demonstrations and in diatribes against Obama, U.S. Ambassador Anne Patterson and her potential successor, Robert Ford, the current ambassador to Syria.
It has also fomented conspiracy theories about U.S. intentions in Egypt, further exacerbating anti-American feelings.
Despite clear U.S. unhappiness with Morsi's year in power, the ousted president's opponents are convinced that the United States is working against them and wants the Muslim Brotherhood returned to power. At the same time, the Brotherhood believes the administration is against them despite the U.S. trying to keep them engaged in the political process.