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Washington » How do you get a fractured House Republican caucus to back compre­hensive immigration reform? Pressure. Lots and lots of pressure. At least that's been the working theory of re­form supporters, who want to package a path to citizenship with increased border security and a streamlined visa program. That group includes conservative heavyweights from the Salt Lake Chamber to Fox News' Bill O'Reilly from Karl Rove's well-funded super PAC to Sen. Orrin Hatch, R-Utah. But so far, House leaders appear far from impressed by the Senate's immigration bill, which received 68 votes, including the support of all Democrats and 14 Republicans. 'I couldn't care less,' said Rep. Jason Chaffetz, R-Utah, who sits on two House commit­tees Judiciary and Homeland Security that have debated immigration proposals. 'I don't know why that would affect my think­ing on the issue.' And he isn't swayed by Hatch's decision to back the reform effort, either, noting that while one Utah senator voted yes last week, Sen. Mike Lee, R-Utah, did not 'I know what I believe in,' Chaffetz said. ' I really couldn't give a hoot about what some other senators think. I'll listen closely to Sen­ator Lee and Senator Hatch. I have great respect for both of them, and they see this a bit differently.' His reaction is hardly unique in the House, where Republicans outnumber Democrats 234-201. The chairman of the House Judiciary Com­mittee, Rep. Bob Goodlatte, held a town-hall meeting in Lynchburg, Va., on Tuesday, when he knocked down the perception that the House GOP will eventually buckle and sup­port a proposal they view skep­tically. 'We shouldn't feel pres­sured by the Senate, the pres­ident or anyone else,' the Virginia Republican said, ac­cording to ABC News. 'Get­ting it right is more impor­tant than passing a bill.'Tough politics » That 'anyone else' might refer to Republican Party leaders, including House Speaker John Boehner of Ohio and Rep. Paul Ryan of Wisconsin, both of whom are nervous about what the immigration issue and the coming votes could mean to the GOP's fu­ture. President Barack Obama received 71 percent of the Hispanic vote in his 2012 re­election, and some Republi­cans worry that the party will have a tough time reclaiming a decent share of that bloc if they come off as opposing im­migration reform. But what is good politics on the national level doesn't nec­essarily translate to winning elections back home, particu­larly safe House seats where an incumbent could be vul­nerable to a challenge from within his or her own party. 'It is the definition of a dif­ficult vote,' said Kirk Jowers, director of the Hinckley Institute of Politics at the Uni­versity of Utah. 'The House members are thinking, 'It is probably in my own self-in­terest if I vote no, but proba­bly against my party's and my country's self-interest if I vote no.'' Jowers said he has 'evolved' to believe that 'an imperfect solution is better than what we have now, and the Senate bill is an imperfect solution.' With a Republican House and a Democratic Senate, Jowers sees no way to pass im­migration reform that doesn't include a path to citizenship along with more enforcement measures. Hatch has made the same pitch, saying the time is now to solve this problem, and there is only one practical way to do it the Senate bill.A new path » But Goodlatte, Chaffetz and many House Republicans want to tackle the issue in chunks and have be­gun to do just that, focusing first on bills involving border security and revamping the temporary-worker program for highly skilled immigrants. It's unclear if they'll debate a proposal offering legal sta­tus to the 11 million people in the U.S. illegally. The House speaker has re­peatedly said he won't bring up a bill unless a majority of Republicans support it. That could be a tough threshold to reach. Take Chaffetz, for example, says former Utah GOP Sen. Bob Bennett. 'A member of the House who got himself elected on a strong anti-immigration reform pitch and is looking at re-election is going to examine his own position and not what his Senate col­league does.' Chaffetz, in a separate interview, also brought up his 2008 election, in which he ran as a candidate opposed to a citizenship path for undocu­mented immigrants. 'If a bill conies over here and has amnesty, I'm not going to be able to support it,' he said. 'It is that simple. It's partly what I was elected on.' That said, Chaffetz hasn't entirely ruled out voting for some path to citizenship de­pending on the details. He has also pledged support for bills aimed at fixing the legal im­migration system. Rep. Rob Bishop, R-Utah, and Rep. Jim Matheson, D-Utah, have also attempted to keep their options open, though Bishop has said he won't back a bill unless it includes his plan to allow feder­al agents access to protected wilderness along the border with Mexico. Organizing for reform » Utah's four House members have heard repeatedly from the state's religious leaders, business executives and immigration activists all urg­ing them to follow Hatch's lead in supporting the Senate reform package. In the days before the Sen­ate vote, 22 business organization took out a full-page ad­vertisement in The Salt Lake Tribune touting their support for the Senate plan and thank­ing Hatch for his work on it. 'This is an issue that is tru­ly important to the state of Utah, to the economy and to our citizens,' said Lane Beattie, president of the Salt Lake Chamber and a former state Senate president. The chamber organized the ad, which had the backing of Ski Utah, the Utah Manufac­turers Association and the World Trade Center Utah, among others. 'This is a golden chance. If it is ever going to happen, it is going to happen now,' said Lew Cramer, president of the World Trade Center Utah, who noted his organization supports international trade of goods and labor. Cramer has met with Utah's federal representatives or their staffs and promises to continue to do so, arguing that the 'international implica­tions' favor reform as do the practical considerations. 'The 11 million people here, or whatever it is, are not going to get on a bus and go home,' he said. Beattie argues Hatch's support of the bill at least opens the possibility that some of the state's House members may follow suit. 'If Hatch and Lee voted against it, I think it would have been more of a negative issue,' he said. 'I hope it helps the House members try to find their own way.' Jowers sees Hatch's stance as largely a wash when it conies to swaying Utah House members. 'I think Hatch's vote gives a little bit of cover for the Utah representatives, but they are also seeing some of the vitri­ol being spewed against Hatch because of that vote.' That includes a weeklong ad campaign funded by Num­bers USA that questioned Hatch's motives for support­ing the Senate bill. Numbers USA along with Heritage Action for Ameri­ca, one of the most influential conservative organizations, has consistently opposed immigration reform, saying it would take jobs away from Americans. The groups may target Republicans who sup­port reform. Beattie gets frustrated at the suggestion that support­ing an immigration overhaul may imperil Republicans. He notes that state lawmakers who championed enforce­ment- only immigration bills are no longer in office, having lost bids for higher positions or trying to win re-election. Instead, he suggests there could be a political retribution for those who appear to stand in the way of immigra­tion reform. 'You better believe it can change a race,' he said. 'They should stand accountable. The overwhelming majority of the state of Utah wants an immi­gration bill passed, but they are not dictating what the bill should be.' Beattie was referring to a poll paid for by advocates of comprehensive reform that claimed 71 percent of Utahns supported the immigration­reform plan debated in Wash­ington. Brigham Young Univer­sity political scientist Adam Brown questioned the word­ing used in the survey, say­ing it 'almost feels more like a message-testing poll.' Chaffetz said he recent­ly had breakfast with Beat­tie and will continue to meet with Utahns interested in dis­cussing immigration reform. The one constant he has heard is that Congress must take some action. 'There is a universal cry to fix the immigration mess,' he

Utah's House members on immigration

Rep. Jim Matheson, D • Keeping his options open, but has said he could back a comprehensive immigration proposal.

Rep. Rob Bishop, R • Says he will not support reform unless it allows U.S. Border Patrol agents full access to protected public lands on the U.S.-Mexico border.

Rep. Jason Chaffetz, R • Prefers to deal with immigration on a piecemeal basis and said he won't support 'amnesty.'

Rep. Chris Stewart, R • Opposes any path to citizenship for the estimated 11 million immigrants in the country illegally, but would offer legal status.